By Maung Kaung

US PRESIDENT Donald Trump filed a defamation lawsuit against the London-based BBC on 15 December, seeking US$10 billion in damages. The lawsuit con­cerns the BBC’s edited broadcast, of a speech delivered by Trump on 6 January 2021, which was aired in one of its programmes. President Trump’s lawsuit includes two counts, with damages of US$5 billion sought for each count, and he has demanded a total of US$10 billion in compensation from the BBC.

The BBC’s airing of President Trump’s speech on its Panorama programme was a serious and grave error that encroached upon his reputation. The BBC admitted that editing errors created a false impression that Trump had directly incited violence, suggesting the mistake was deliberate. However, the BBC has rejected the claim, stating that President Trump’s attempt to file a lawsuit is legally unfounded.

The tense relationship between President Trump and media outlets in the United States and the United Kingdom has evolved into a cycle of mutual scrutiny, with each side alert to the other’s mistakes. Media organizations such as CNN, The New York Times, and the BBC closely monitor Trump’s actions and decisions and tend to report on them primarily within a negative frame. As a result, Trump often bypasses traditional media by communicating his intended messages directly through social media platforms such as Twitter, while express­ing deep distrust of and strong opposition to mainstream media. The media, in turn, seize on Trump’s missteps, widening the rift between him and the press and sustaining a climate of tension and hostility. The dispute with the BBC extends beyond routine controversy, and it remains unclear whether the US$10 billion in damages sought for defamation and state-law violations will be awarded.

At the same time, it should be noted that as elections draw closer in Myanmar, at­tacks on the electoral process through fake news and misinformation on social media are becoming increasingly frequent. Over­seas-based groups supporting terrorism, such as ‘Justice for Myanmar’, are also en­gaging in counterproductive efforts against the 2025 multiparty democratic general elec­tion by branding it as a “sham election” or claiming that it is a plan to legitimize a coup, among other accusations. Through such smear campaigns, they seek to undermine public trust in the election and discourage voter participation.

In addition, these groups are lobbying the international community, including the United Nations, the European Union, ASEAN, the United States, and European governments, not to recognize the election to be held in My­anmar, not to send election observers, and not to accept the winner. It has also become an en­trenched practice for exile-based, pro-terrorist media outlets to exaggerate and sensationalize even the slightest comments made by a hand­ful of foreign lawmakers about the Myanmar government or its election.

The emergence of fake news and misin­formation during election periods is a common phenomenon in every country. Currently, the influence of social media has made it increas­ingly difficult to distinguish between accurate and false information, and the deliberate weap­onization of news is becoming increasingly apparent.

In Myanmar as well, as the election ap­proaches, fake news, misinformation, and fabricated reports are increasing, along with repeated attempts to undermine trust in the election through various forms of media bully­ing. For example, accusations made by groups such as Justice for Myanmar along with uni­lateral coverage by some international media outlets are creating misleading perceptions among the public who consume the news and within the international community.

It should also be noted that some media outlets whose operations stalled after the sus­pension of USAID funding are now seeking to utilize Myanmar’s election as an opportunity by reviving old issues and relying on unverified and uncertain information. Although these activities are framed under the banner of press freedom, they carry the risk of turning into politically agenda-driven media operations.

Experience shows that during every elec­tion in Myanmar, fake news and misinformation often spread faster, fuelled by new technologies. In previous election periods, there were various types of fake news, such as false claims that the opening time of polling stations had been changed, which were clearly intended to dis­courage voter participation. In the upcoming election period as well, it is inevitable that old tactics will be reused, utilizing new technolo­gies. It is evident that individuals who deploy fake news and misinformation as political tools are determined to prevent a successful election serving the national interest.

In such circumstances, if foreign media personnel who will closely observe the elec­tion can report fairly and impartially based on what they personally witness on the ground, it will allow the international community to gain a clearer understanding of the situation in Myanmar.

No matter what anyone says, a free and fair multiparty democratic general election will be held on 28 December, and partner countries supportive of Myanmar’s national interests will soon send election observers to monitor the electoral process. Reporters and journalists from various foreign coun­tries will arrive to gather information about the election, allowing them to witness the real situation in Myanmar firsthand and gain a more accurate understanding of the country and its people. This will also enable them to discern the differences between Myanmar’s actual circumstances on the ground and the portrayal of the country in the global media.

Another type of foreign reporter coming to Myanmar will be those from news agencies that are predetermined to portray the country in a negative light. These reporters are expected to write inaccurately according to the agenda and guidelines set in advance by their editorial teams. They will selectively report only what appears either good or bad according to their preference, rather than reflecting the full reali­ty of what they experience in Myanmar. Even if they are provided with official statistics or fac­tual information, they are unlikely to use them accurately; instead, they will produce reports based on unverified information and negative narratives that suit their own portrayal.

No matter what anyone tries to disrupt, Phase 1 of the multiparty democratic gen­eral election will be held freely and fairly on 28 December. Citizens with the right to vote will also be able to cast their ballots freely according to their wishes, without any pressure or intimidation. The current government, which is temporarily responsi­ble for State duties, will hand over authority to the new government that emerges after the election. The upcoming election is an important process not only for the benefit of Myanmar as a whole but also for the interests of the regional and international countries. However, those who wish to see the country fail, those seeking personal gain, and their followers will not endorse the election and will continue to carry out opposition activities.

Drawing lessons from the Trump-BBC case highlights that even prominent, govern­ment-funded media outlets are capable of publishing misleading news. Similarly, some Myanmar exiled media outlets, which have become resentful and reactive after losing USAID support, have no qualms about twisting or distorting information. Even as national leader General Aung San strove for independ­ence, some media published whatever they pleased, disregarding true freedom. The Gen­eral himself nicknamed them “the weathercock press”, reflecting how these outlets ingratiated themselves with their superiors for personal gain. Whatever the actions of exiled media today, history remembers General Aung San so prominently, thanks to his sincere efforts and contributions towards the country.

Translated.